Previously I introduced the Nile
river and its importance and fragility, considering the construction of the Grand
Ethiopian Renaissance dam (GERD). In this blog, I will explore the projected negative
consequences of the GERD on food production on lower riparians.
“The next war in our region will be over the waters of the Nile, not politics,” - Boutros Boutros-Ghali
Half a billion people experience
severe water scarcity all year round, of those 27million, are in Egypt (Mekonnen
& Hoekstra 2016). Achieving a water and food balance in a transboundary
river basin is extremely challenging as different riparians have different
motivations for how they want to use the water resources and have different
ideas of their rights over the water. This
is especially true for the Nile basin. It is believed the “wars of the next
century will be over water”, Ismail
Serageldin, then World Bank Vice President, so much so that 7 years prior, Boutros
Boutrous-Ghali, then Egypt’s minister of state for foreign affairs argued
that “the next war in our region will be over the waters of the Nile, not
politics,”.
INTRODUCING THE GERD
The GERD is projected to have
major impacts on Egypt’s food security during the filling process, particularly
if this process ensues during a dry period, as a filling procedure is yet to be
agreed. To fill the dam, downstream water needs to be partially halted. Food
production from irrigated agriculture is projected to decrease by 9-19%, during
the reservoir filling process, and approximately 4%, during the GERD’s operation,
compared to now (Elsayed
et al 2020). The largest threat to Egypt is the prolonged drying of
arable land leading to desertification of 2-4million
hectares of the current 8-10million hectares of arable land, significantly
diminishing Egypt’s ability to cultivate the land for food crops. Complications
for Sudan and Egypt’s water flow from evaporative losses are exacerbated by
climate change, also reducing the streamflow to Lake Nasser, Aswan, Egypt in
the first 5 years (Zhang
et al 2015).
Variability and uncertainty of
the reservoir filling policy by Ethiopia leaves water-dependent sectors
vulnerable including municipal use, agriculture, and drinking, not even
mentioning the economic repercussions of such ambiguity (King
& Block 2012). Egypt is a principal exporter of corn, fava beans, rice
and wheat, making agriculture a majorly important sector, contributing to roughly
one-eighth of the country’s GDP and employing one-quarter of the labour
force, facilitating a strong foreign exchange for Egypt. The Egyptian and
Sudanese economy could have major implications whereby the reduction in arable
land diminishes harvest yields, increasing food commodity prices, resulting in weakened
food insecurity. Although this is contingent on the level of water withdrawal
in Sudan (Kahsay
et al 2015), the future operation of these sectors remains inherently
uncertain until there is an agreed-upon reservoir retention policy put in place
between the three nations. With heightened tensions between downstream
riparians, it is uncertain how the use of the Nile will change. As mentioned previously,
when exploring the effects of dams on water and food in Africa, it is essential
to also explore the politics of riparians in a transboundary basin, as this
will have large effects on how the water is shared and used, affecting food
production. I guess I am critiquing Boutros Boutros-Ghali in his claim that the
Nile waters are not inherently political. The Nile is fraught in the politics
of supplying water reliably to 11 water-stressed countries with a combined
population of 487.3million.
The GERD ends Egypt’s
millennia-long monopoly over the Nile (Gebreluel
2014). The source of tension is due to Egypt and Sudan being highly
dependent on the flows originating in Ethiopia. The major concern is the
effects on the availability of water resources, further reinforced by the
uncertainty over the impacts of the GERD as policies of reservoir retention are
undecided despite construction being underway. Disputes over the management of
the Nile precede, but are exacerbated by, the construction of the GERD. Egypt
was given monopoly by the British before the Nile Basin Initiative was signed
in 1999 to increase cooperation, before it was formalised by the Cooperative
Framework Agreement (Swain
2002;
Ibrahim 2010). However, this was signed only by upstream riparians. The
continuous back-and-forth indicates the complexity of transboundary basin
management.
So, what does this have to do
with food? Exploring the politics of this contentious transboundary water
resource is crucial for comprehending the implications of the GERD on water
supply and thus food production for downstream riparians.
The question is...
Is the GERD that
bad?
Great narrative and synthesis of resources! I would encourage you to continue to signpost your posts in the way that you have.
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ReplyDeleteThis is another quality post Maha! I really like how you take a hydro-political stance on water and food which is often missed. I found this post a lot easier to follow through the sign posting/summary that you provided at the start, so try and do this for the rest of the blog entries.
It would also help if you use subheadings throughout the entries to make it even easier to follow. Also, I saw that some of the page numbers weren't quoted for the quotes you used, could you put these up?
Great post! I enjoyed reading about the conflicts surrounding the Nile, and the role Britain played, through allocating total rights to Egypt. The video was also highly interesting. I look forward to the next!
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